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In the Revelation, you'll read of three periods that each represents 3- 1/2 years according to the Hebrew calendar. They are: Revelation 1. Now, go measure God's Holy Place, its Altar, and those who are bowing low there.
We don't wish to enter such fields of speculation as others have done in the past. However, note the following: 3- 1/2 days (or 'times') is exactly half of a week; so the prophetic period seems to indicate half of a period that is started but then completed later. Take for example, the ministry of Jesus. It lasted for exactly three- and- a- half years; and thereafter, it appears as though there were. So in this case, the periods seem to be speaking of the time during which the kingdom. Jews exclusively, and then how long it would be thereafter before the opportunity would be offered to others (the nations, ethnics, or gentiles). And then. almost 4.
Jeru. Salem was actually destroyed. But you can see that there's another possible three- and- a- half year period. CE when the Roman armies first attacked Jeru. Salem. For history tells us that the Romans mysteriously withdrew to. Christians to flee the city per the instructions of Jesus), and they thereafter they returned to destroy the city, its priesthood, and its Temple (its entire way.
CE. Also note that there may be another half of a week between the fall of Jerusalem and the final conquest of Masada (7. CE). So it appears as though these 3- 1/2 year periods made up part of a whole number. Therefore, it is possible that if we can identify a 3- 1/2 year beginning period.
John 5: 7, 8. In several other Bibles, 1 John 5: 7, 8 reads, 'There are three that bear record in heaven, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. However, Bible manuscripts that were written prior to the Eleventh Century CE (AD) read quite differently.
So it appears as though someone. Trinity Doctrine' changed this verse about 1,0. John penned his Gospel.
As you can see from the context of John the Fifth Chapter, the three witness- bearers of Jesus are the water (baptism), the Holy Spirit. So, changing the water, the Spirit, and the blood to the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. John wrote illogical. For more information, see how these words are translated in other Bibles. Chronicles 3. 6: 2. Contributed)At 2 Chronicles 3. Septuagint speaks of the land fulfilling its 'Sabbaths.' However, the Hebrew word that is used there is shavta.
So the Masoretic (Hebrew) text of 2 Chronicles 3. Jehovah's Word by Jeremi. Ah until the ground pays off all its days of desolation. It appears as though some have tried to twist the words in order to create some compromise between what the Bible says and secular chronology.
Our Miserable 2. 1st Century - Commentary Magazine. Whatever else it may or may not have accomplished, the 2.
Americans living within what Charles Murray famously termed “the bubble” (the protective barrier of prosperity and self- selected associations that increasingly shield our best and brightest from contact with the rest of their society). The very fact of Trump’s election served as a truth broadcast about a reality that could no longer be denied: Things out there in America are a whole lot different from what you thought. Yes, things are very different indeed these days in the “real America” outside the bubble. In fact, things have been going badly wrong in America since the beginning of the 2. It turns out that the year 2.
For whatever reasons, the Great American Escalator, which had lifted successive generations of Americans to ever higher standards of living and levels of social well- being, broke down around then—and broke down very badly. The warning lights have been flashing, and the klaxons sounding, for more than a decade and a half.
But our pundits and prognosticators and professors and policymakers, ensconced as they generally are deep within the bubble, were for the most part too distant from the distress of the general population to see or hear it. In some circles people still widely believe, as one recent New York Times business- section article cluelessly insisted before the inauguration, that “Mr. Trump will inherit an economy that is fundamentally solid.” But this is patent nonsense. By now it should be painfully obvious that the U.
S. And in retrospect, it should also be apparent that America’s strange new economic maladies were almost perfectly designed to set the stage for a populist storm. Ever since 2. 00. America’s economic performance and prospects. It is curious and highly uncharacteristic to find such measures so very far out of alignment with one another. We are witnessing an ominous and growing divergence between three trends that should ordinarily move in tandem: wealth, output, and employment. Depending upon which of these three indicators you choose, America looks to be heading up, down, or more or less nowhere.
From the standpoint ofwealth creation, the 2. By this yardstick, it looks as if Americans have never had it so good and as if the future is full of promise. Between early 2. 00.
American households and nonprofit institutions more than doubled, from $4. This upsurge of wealth took place despite the crash of 2.
The value of American real- estate assets is near or at all- time highs, and America’s businesses appear to be thriving. Even before the “Trump rally” of late 2. U. S. Here, performance since the start of the century might charitably be described as mediocre, and prospects today are no better than guarded.
The recovery from the crash of 2. Great Depression—has been singularly slow and weak.
According to the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA), it took nearly four years for America’s gross domestic product (GDP) to re- attain its late 2. As of late 2. 01. U. S. It took America six and a half years—until mid- 2. And in late 2. 01. By this reckoning, the American economy looks to have suffered something close to a lost decade.
But there was clearly trouble brewing in America’s macro- economy well before the 2. Between late 2. 00. GDP growth averaged less than 1.
That compares with the nation’s long- term postwar 1. GDP bottomed out in 2. Between 2. 00. 0 and 2. America has averaged less than 1 percent a year. To state it plainly: With postwar, pre- 2. GDP in America would be more than 2.
The reasons for America’s newly fitful and halting macroeconomic performance are still a puzzlement to economists and a subject of considerable contention and debate. Economists are generally in consensus, however, in one area: They have begun redefining the growth potential of the U. S. Congressional Budget Office (CBO), for example, suggests that the “potential growth” rate for the U. S. If 2. 1st- century America’s GDP trends have been disappointing, labor- force trendshave been utterly dismal.
Work rates have fallen off a cliff since the year 2. We can see this by looking at the estimates by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) for the civilian employment rate, the jobs- to- population ratio for adult civilian men and women.
It plunged by almost 5 percentage points (from 6. Unless you are a labor economist, you may not appreciate just how severe a falloff in employment such numbers attest to. Postwar America never experienced anything comparable. From peak to trough, the collapse in work rates for U.
S. In that previous steep recession, it took America five years to re- attain the adult work rates recorded at the start of 1. This time, the U. S. And the work rates being measured here include people who are engaged in any paid employment—any job, at any wage, for any number of hours of work at all. On Wall Street and in some parts of Washington these days, one hears that America has gotten back to “near full employment.” For Americans outside the bubble, such talk must seem nonsensical. It is true that the oft- cited “civilian unemployment rate” looked pretty good by the end of the Obama era—in December 2. The problem here is that the unemployment rate only tracks joblessness for those still in the labor force; it takes no account of workforce dropouts. Alas, the exodus out of the workforce has been the big labor- market story for America’s new century.
From late 2. 00. 9 through early 2. So far as can be told, this is the only “recovery” in U. S. As of late 2. 01. America was still at its lowest level in more than 3. To put things another way: If our nation’s work rate today were back up to its start- of- the- century highs, well over 1. Americans would currently have paying jobs. There is no way to sugarcoat these awful numbers.
They are not a statistical artifact that can be explained away by population aging, or by increased educational enrollment for adult students, or by any other genuine change in contemporary American society. The plain fact is that 2. America has witnessed a dreadful collapse of work. For an apples- to- apples look at America’s 2.
For this key labor- force cohort, work rates in late 2. That is a jobs gap approaching 5 million for this group alone. It is not only that work rates for prime- age males have fallen since the year 2. American men is a tale that goes back at least half a century. After World War II, work rates for prime women surged, and continued to rise—until the year 2. Since then, they too have declined.
Current work rates for prime- age women are back to where they were a generation ago, in the late 1. The 2. 1st- century U. S. And trends for paid hours of work look even worse than the work rates themselves. Between 2. 00. 0 and 2.
BEA, total paid hours of work in America increased by just 4 percent (as against a 3. Over the 2. 00. 0–2. American century. This is the terrible contradiction of economic life in what we might call America’s Second Gilded Age (2.
It is a paradox that may help us understand a number of overarching features of our new century. Install Ubuntu On G3 Imac For Sale there. These include the consistent findings that public trust in almost all U.
S. The mounting economic woes of the “little people” may not have been generally recognized by those inside the bubble, or even by many bubble inhabitants who claimed to be economic specialists—but they proved to be potent fuel for the populist fire that raged through American politics in 2. IIISo general economic conditions for many ordinary Americans—not least of these, Americans who did not fit within the academy’s designated victim classes—have been rather more insecure than those within the comfort of the bubble understood.
But the anxiety, dissatisfaction, anger, and despair that range within our borders today are not wholly a reaction to the way our economy is misfiring. On the nonmaterial front, it is likewise clear that many things in our society are going wrong and yet seem beyond our powers to correct.